October 31, 2007

Israeli unveils ambitious plan to shift transportation to electric

Project Better Place

With 700 million cars driving on the world's roads, releasing anestimated 2.8 billion tons of CO2 pollution annually, it doesn't takea genius to understand that the world is rapidly heading for anenvironmental disaster. What it does take, however, is someone daringenough to tackle that challenge - one of the biggest facing mankindtoday - head on.

Israeli entrepreneur Shai Agassi is that man. The 39-year-old formerSAP executive has come up with an ambitious plan to shake up the autoindustry by encouraging consumers worldwide to give up their heavilypolluting fossil fuel cars and purchase electric cars instead.

Agassi's new company, Project Better Place, was launched on Monday inNew York. The company, which raised $200 million - making it one ofthe largest initial fundings for a start-up in history - plans toestablish a widespread grid of electric charging spots at currentparking locations, as well as battery exchange stations to provideconsumers with the energy to keep their electric cars charged and onthe roads without the need to wait for electricity at any point.
This is crucial. One of the drawbacks of electric cars today is thatthey can only drive 100 miles on a single electrical charge. BetterPlace aims to create a new regional and global infrastructure tosupport electric vehicles on a country-by-country basis, in effectjump-starting mass adoption of electric cars.

Agassi, who founded TopTier Software in Israel in 1992 and later soldit to SAP in 2001, will serve as CEO of the new entity, while IdanOfer, chairman of Israel Corp., will serve as chairman of the board.

"Project Better Place offers a compelling business and environmentalcase for how to address global energy and transportation challenges,"said Ofer, whose company traditionally invests in oil refineries,ocean tankers and chemicals.
In its first phase, Better Place, will focus on establishing arepeatable framework, implementing electric recharge grids throughlocal operating companies in multiple countries. In addition, thecompany hopes to partner with carmakers, technology providers, andglobal and local financing institutions so that consumers whosubscribe to the network can get subsidized vehicles that are cheaperto buy and operate than today's fuel-based cars.

Think of it like a mobile-phone provider today. Agassi's companyhopes to sell or lease electric cars to consumers in packages thatinclude monthly service fees. The whole system, called a smart grid,will be coordinated by networking software developed by programmersfrom Better Place.

The company is currently in discussions with various governments toestablish pilot sites in a few countries next year, and will deployand test this framework over the next 24 months in a variety oflaunch markets. In 2010, it plans to deploy hundreds of thousands ofvehicles annually, across multiple markets. Agassi believes thantipping-point saturation in early markets will happen within 10 yearsof rollout.

October 30, 2007

Who is Manhigut Yehudit?

Simply Jews

We are simply Jews -- with no added definitions. We do not call ourselves Orthodox, Conservative or Reform -- neither "right-wing" nor "left-wing."

Like the overwhelming majority of Jews, we believe in God, Who has brought us back to our Jewish home --the Holy Land of Israel. In Israel, the natural predisposition of the Jewish People to illuminate the world with God's light is brought to perfection, enabling us to perform our task in the most consummate way.

The natural predisposition of the Jewish People is to illuminate the world.
Our aim is to create a genuinely Jewish consciousness in the Land of Israel, motivated by the awareness that our faith and our country are intrinsically woven together. An Israeli society predicated on Jewish faith -- the Torah -- is an ethical and loving society whose ultimate goal is to illuminate the entire world with God's benevolence.

The Modern State of Israel in Crisis
The Zionist movement, which founded the modern State of Israel, was a product of the millennia of longing for return to the Land of Israel. However, it was also a product of the times in which it was born. Basing itself on secular 19th century Western values, Zionism came to fill the need for a safe haven for the Jews of the world. Miraculously, the Zionist movement succeeded in building the complete infrastructure of a modern state -- replete with a strong army, high tech, immigration absorption etc. out of the wilderness.

In its essence, though, the secular Zionism on which Israel was built negates holiness. In doing so, it has stripped itself of the tools necessary to reflect the Jewishness of Israel and its ultimate holy purpose.

The very Zionist ideology that built the modern state of Israel has now turned against itself.
We are now witnessing a complete unraveling of the fabric of Israeli society. The very Zionist ideology that built the modern state of Israel has now turned against itself as it seeks to counter its Biblical roots and Divine purpose. This self-destructive bent is the ultimate conclusion of the secular ideology upon which Zionism is based.

The Essential Question: Is Israel a State of Jews -- or a Jewish State?
Until now Israel has been a state of the Jews. It is vital to our future to transform Israel into a Jewish state. Israel's elected officials must lead the country with policies based exclusively on Jewish identity, values and ethics.

An Alternative
In 1994, Moshe Feiglin began the Zo Artzeinu ("This is Our Land") protest movement that opposed the self-destructive Oslo Accords with a massive civil disobedience campaign.
It became clear, though, that it was not enough to protest; we had to offer a fundamental alternative -- a new strategic objective -- in place of the process of collapse that gave rise to the Oslo Accords. Such an alternative would need to be based on both an alternative ideology that would inspire the nation and possess the means for implementation.

Belief-Based Leadership
Only leadership motivated by an authentically Jewish vision will be capable of meeting all the challenges.
There is only one way to truly imbue the State of Israel with the meaning it deserves and needs: to promote an alternative leadership for the State of Israel that is based on Jewish belief. Only leadership motivated by an authentically Jewish vision will be capable of meeting all the challenges currently facing the State of Israel and the Jewish People. Only leadership of this kind will be capable of reinvigorating the State of Israel and the Jewish People and leading it towards the realization of the vision of the prophets.

Leadership of the Likud
In 1998, Manhigut Yehudit (The Jewish Leadership Movement) was established as the successor to Zo Artzeinu.
Our aim is to enlist thousands of believing members in the Likud -- Israel's central ruling political party -- and to elect a party leader who will be motivated by Jewish ideals and values. As the Likud's candidate for Prime Minister, this candidate would be the natural leader of the national camp and would be elected as the Prime Minister of the State of Israel.
Our weapon is our ideology.
What began as a dream has become a reality. Already today, Manhigut Yehudit (The Jewish Leadership Movement) has the largest bloc inside the Likud's Central Committee. In a very short time we became known as the group which "does not come with a price tag." Our weapon is our ideology and tens of thousands of supporters have already joined our ranks. Many Israelis throughout the political spectrum believe that we are the future of Israel's political life and the path we have chosen is correct and viable.

Our Future
With firm faith in the God of Israel, Manhigut Yehudit (The Jewish Leadership Movement) is confident that our future is bright. Indeed the totality of our strategic goals could be summed up in a single phrase from the traditional Aleynu prayer recited daily:
To perfect the world in the kingdom of the Almighty

October 29, 2007

Operation Jerusalem Shield!


As you read these words, Prime Minister Olmert is working overtime at giving away MAJOR parts of Jerusalem... Heaven forbid!
His plan includes:
* No Jews in 80% of the Old City.
* Destruction of many Yeshivot including Ateret Kohanim, Bet Orot and Shuvu Banim.
* No access to the Mount of Olives.
* Jews thrown out of their homes in Ir David, Shuafat and Abu Tor.-and worst of all:
*No entry to Jews - ever again - to Har Ha'Bayit (The Temple Mount).
Manhigut Yehudit, led by Moshe Feiglin, is spearheading a movement that will STOP THIS PLAN!!
The main focus of "Operation Jerusalem Shield" is to pressure all Knesset members - starting with Likud - to commit IN WRITING that they will NEVER honor agreements signed by Olmert, or anyone else, regarding Jerusalem.
All polls show that Likud will lead the next government and Moshe Feiglin wants to make 100% certain that the entire world knows the Likud will declare all Jerusalem deals - NO MATTER WHAT THEY SAY - as totally NULL and VOID!
Simply put: Jerusalem is NOT negotiable. Not now... not ever. Manhigut Yehudit is asking for your involvement in "Operation Jerusalem Shield".

October 15, 2007

Conquer or Capitulate

Deterrence no longer a viable option; Israel must retake all Palestinian areas
Martin Sherman Published: 10.15.07, 21:04 /

During Israel's War of Independence, the newly founded Jewish nation, infused with a resolute sense of purpose, was not swayed from its aspiration to achieve its political objective - despite the tremendous casualties the pursuit of this aspiration demanded of it. Thus, in spite of the fact that the Jewish population numbered barely 600,000, even the terrible loss of 6,000 dead did not deter it from pursuing its goal.

Accordingly, under the eminently plausible assumption that the Jewish sensitivity to loss of life then was not less than Palestinian sensitivity is today, there is little reason to suppose that the Palestinians, clearly infused with a resolute sense of purpose, will be deterred from endeavoring to attain their national goal - even at the cost of great suffering. Indeed, if the Palestinians are prepared to endure the same rate of casualties that Israelis were prepared to absorb in the 1940s, even inflicting losses of 30,000 dead on them will not make them give up their armed struggle against Israel. So were the IDF to exact costs far in excess of those proposed by Bechor, the chances are that they would still be ineffectual in quelling Palestinian violence.

This comparison underscores the utter futility of limited Israeli military measures of any kind. It shows quite unequivocally that targeted assassinations, demolition of houses, and temporary invasions of Palestinian administered territories will never induce the Palestinian to lay down their arms - even if Israel were to escalate these types of measures to levels presently undreamed of.

This, however, does not mean that Israel has no option but to go back to the negotiating table, and to chase after the illusory mirage of a “political solution.” After all, since October 2000, following Palestinian rejection of the far-reaching and reckless concessionary offers made by the Barak government, after the disastrous debacle of disengagement, and after the uncompromising insistence on the Palestinian “right of return,” it has become undeniably clear to the Israeli public (apart from some eccentric and fanatical left wing fringe-groups) that what fuels the fires of Arab-Israeli conflict is not the lack of Palestinian self-determination but the existence of Jewish self-determination – no matter what the territorial frontiers may be.

Accordingly, if on the one hand the Palestinians cannot be induced to give up their violence by any reasonably conceivable concessions, and on the other hand they cannot be induced to do so by the threat of any reasonably conceivable punitive measures, there appear to be only two ways to bring the fighting to an end. The one involves total capitulation to Palestinian demands and unmitigated acceptance of all their claims. The significance of this option is the complete renouncement of the Zionist ideal of a sovereign Jewish state for the people of Israel in the Land of Israel. For it is virtually indisputable that the adoption of this course would result in a state that would very quickly find itself swallowed up in the social, economic and political environment that prevails in the region, and would soon become indistinguishable from any other of the surrounding states in the “precinct.”

The second alternative involves acknowledging the fact that Israel has no acceptable way to diminish the Palestinian will to attack it, and thus must eliminate the Palestinian ability to do so – by speedy and decisive conquest of the areas transferred to Palestinian control, the dismantling of all the political and military organizations and infrastructures established since the Oslo Agreements, and the reinstatement of effective Israeli sovereign rule from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea.

This is undoubtedly a course of action fraught with many hazards. Its implementation requires meeting many daunting challenges and overcoming many serious obstacles that cannot be lightly dismissed. It will call for huge diplomatic and political efforts, and place the national leadership under the most stringent of tests – tests that are probably well beyond the mettle of the present political cadre masquerading as "leaders." It will require the Jewish people to generate from within it a new echelon of leaders made of sterner stuff, leadership with greater intellectual prowess, greater national commitment, greater moral integrity, and greater political foresight.

It is not a question of whether this is possible or not.

For if the Jews still desire to preserve their national independence and the political sovereignty of the Jewish nation-state, there is no other alternative.

This then is the cruel choice on the national agenda: The Jews can either capitulate to the Palestinian national movement - or conquer it. It is a choice that must be made urgently. Any belief in a more moderate, less radical option is no more than misguided self-delusion.

October 11, 2007

I am not a liberal humanist

I am not a liberal humanist which in itself makes me ......not politically correct.

I am OK with that. The most forgiving person in the world who can't forgive me for
for being unforgiving....is also unforgiving.

Meir Kahane said,

Why should a Jew not marry a nice, ethical, pretty (or handsome), intelligent gentile without this absurd farce of conversion?

Why not just be ethical without reference to Jews or non-Jews, for what in the world are 'Jewish' ethics.

It is because I believe the Torah as is, was actually, literally given by G-d to the Jewish people at the literal Revelation at Sinai.

I must admit it is certainly a compelling reason to be a Jew, and to observe all the Divine Laws of that Torah. This makes us different from
other people.


I agree with Rabbi Kahane and want my children to marry Jewish people. I don't accept the concept of marry someone who makes you happy and then have them convert if they don't happen to be Jewish.

If you believe in Tikkun Olam, explain why. Is it because of Kabbalah's sparks of Adam?
If so why reject the literal Revelation at Sinai if you accept the sparks.
Is it because you are a liberal humanist that is Jewish because anti-semites have labeled you and not because of Hashem?

Ask yourself...


Rand

October 5, 2007

Jews Come First by an MK

Jews come first
Overwhelming majority of Israelis wants democratic Israel with Jewish priorities
Uri Ariel Published: 10.04.07, 16:07

Dror Etkes is a great cook: He mixes a little truth, plenty of demagoguery, spices it up with simplistic combination of history and philosophy, and tops it off with excessive liberal sentimentality. In his piece against the JNF law, which I indeed had the privilege to initiate, but which was also supported by more than 64 Knesset members of all parties, he attempted to sell to the public half-truths and false interpretations on a blatant post-Zionist platter.

One cannot argue with facts. Over a period of 100 years, millions of Jews worldwide donated (and continue to donate today too) tens of Advertisement millions of dollars for one and only purpose: Ensuring that land in this country is in Jewish hands. Perhaps this is not politically correct, and perhaps this is also archaic in the eyes of Dror Etkes and his friends, but those millions of Jews have the right to think this way and want this. Any other decision would betray their trust and constitute a daylight robbery.

In the view of all these Jews, a Jew is someone who is defined as such by the Law of Return. Therefore, Etkes' claim as if those who are not Jewish in accordance with Jewish law will enjoy JNF land is baseless. Even an immigrant from Russia, whose grandfather only was Jewish, and who moved to Israel on the basis of the Law of Return can be awarded JNF land, because he is defined as Jewish by the Law of Return. Even if these definitions are not perfect and present other problems such as conversion and intermarriage, these are the commonly accepted definitions by Israeli society for the time being.

Yet what most Israeli society should be disturbed by is the grave phenomenon whereby a citizen of this country, who speaks Hebrew and (still?) views himself as a Zionist, adopts with such enthusiasm the most radical Palestinian narrative. How can he so easily view all of us as the children of immigrants who don’t quite belonging to this country, while he views the Arabs, all of them, as having lived in this country for generations?
Synthesis of democracy and Judaism

The overwhelming majority of Knesset members, who represent all the various public sectors and views, are unwilling to give in to the intellectual terrorism that Etkes and his friends are attempting to force on us, as if this country is only democratic but not Jewish. As if equality means erasing its entire Jewish identity, Zionist roots, and Land of Israel heritage. As if Arab singer Umm Kulthum and Israeli songwriter Naomi Shemer are one and the same and the Star of David and Muslim Crescent have equal place in the country's character.

An overwhelming majority of Israel's citizens, with the exception of a handful of radical leftists, wants a synthesis of democracy and Judaism that does not blur the priority and preference to be accorded in the future as well to Jews, the Jewish nationality, and to Jewish tradition.
In the past, when Dror Etkes' movement, Peace Now, was slammed for not condemning Palestinian terrorism, violence by Israeli Arabs, or the ongoing land robbery in the Negev by the Bedouins, the movement's spokespersons made sure to emphasize that the organization views its mission as enhancing public awareness with regards to the settlements in Judea and Samaria, and nothing beyond that.

Yet as of late, their voice is increasingly being heard against the Judaization of Jerusalem, against targeted killings, against the razing of illegal Arab homes, against the last war in Lebanon, and in favor of a Golan withdrawal, the division of Jerusalem, and budgetary preference to the Arab sector.
Now, its leaders are adopting a radical position against a law pertaining to JNF land, which is located west of the Green Line they cherish so much. How is that connected to Judea and Samaria communities? How is that connected to their agenda? Is the post-Zionist secret of Peace Now finally out?

The writer is a Knesset member and chairman of the National Union-NRP Knesset faction

The Gathering STORM

Israeli politicians need to join forces in face of growing threats
Eitan Haber Published: 10.05.07, 07:11

On the eve of Yom Kippur in 1973, I ruined Menachem Begin's mood. I had accompanied my late father Yehuda to the Kol Nidre prayers in the synagogue at Mezudat Ze'ev (the Herut party headquarters) in Tel Aviv, and at the end of the service, when it was my turn to greet Begin with a "gmar hatima tova," as did all the other congregants, I told him about the "tension on the borders" and the "fear that war was near."

Begin had no idea what was happening. He raised his voice and reprimanded me, as if I were looking to sow panic: "Eitan, what's the matter with you, to say such things?"
Duly chastised, I walked home, which was on the outskirts of Ramat Gan. About 18 hours later, many IDF soldiers had already lost their lives on the Golan and in the Sinai. That dreadful war cost some 2,600 lives. My personal lesson from my sad meeting with Begin was clear: Leaders are not angels, they too make mistakes.
So what am I saying? These days, we are enjoying an economic boom. Only the sewage seeping into the sea from Eilat is slightly spoiling our mood. On the verge of autumn, we are having a great time: Traveling overseas, fancy restaurants are full, we're buying gold seats for toilets, we're reading avidly about who has NIS 4 billion (roughly a billion dollars) and – poor thing – who has only two. A large proportion of Israeli society is caught up in this frenzy of "isn't this great, isn't this great."

One does not need to be a great Israeli leader to discern what Winston Churchill would have undoubtedly called the "gathering storm", and it doesn't comprise just rain clouds. We all understand what is happening but prefer to supress our thoughts. Or, just as in that Kol Nidre night in 1973, we can't see what is happening:

The Arab and Islamic world is looking to obtain nuclear arms: The Iranians are working full out on this; Syria is trying to acquire them on the sly; Libya reached an advanced stage in its nuclear project and we knew nothing about it; Pakistan is already a nuclear power and is not, if I am not mistaken, a country that sends us flowers for Shabbat.