Simply Jews
We are
simply Jews, with no added definitions. We do not call ourselves
Orthodox, Conservative or Reform - neither "right-wing" nor
"left-wing." Like the overwhelming majority of Jews, we believe in
G-d, Who has brought us back to our Jewish home; the Holy Land of
Israel. In Israel, the natural predisposition of the Jewish People
to illuminate the world with God's light is brought to perfection,
enabling us to perform our task in the most consummate way.
Our aim is to create a genuinely Jewish consciousness in the Land of
Israel, motivated by the awareness that our faith and our country
are intrinsically woven together. An Israeli society predicated on
Jewish faith - the Torah - is an ethical and loving society whose
ultimate goal is to illuminate the entire world with God's
benevolence.
The Modern State of Israel in Crisis
The Zionist movement, which founded the modern State of Israel, was
a product of the millennia of longing for return to the Land of
Israel. However, it was also a product of the times in which it was
born. Basing itself on secular 19th century Western values, Zionism
came to fill the need for a safe haven for the Jews of the world.
Miraculously, the Zionist movement succeeded in building the
complete infrastructure of a modern state - replete with a strong
army, high tech, immigration absorption etc. out of the wilderness.
In its essence, though, the secular Zionism on which Israel was
built negates holiness. In doing so, it has stripped itself of the
tools necessary to reflect the Jewish nature of Israel and its
ultimate holy purpose.
We are now witnessing a complete unraveling of the fabric of Israeli
society. The very Zionist ideology that built the modern state of
Israel has now turned against itself as it seeks to counter its
Biblical roots and Divine purpose. This self-destructive bent is the
ultimate conclusion of the secular ideology upon which Zionism is
based.
The Essential Question: Is Israel a State
of Jews - or a Jewish State?
Until now Israel has been a state of the Jews. It is vital to our
future to transform Israel into a Jewish state. Israel's elected
officials must lead the country with policies based exclusively on
Jewish identity, values and ethics.
An Alternative
In 1994, Moshe Feiglin began the Zo Artzeinu ("This is
Our Land") protest movement that opposed the self-destructive Oslo
Accords with a massive civil disobedience campaign.
It became clear, though, that it was not enough to protest; we had
to offer a fundamental alternative - a new strategic objective - in
place of the process of collapse that gave rise to the Oslo Accords.
Such an alternative would need to be based on both an alternative
ideology that would inspire the nation and possess the means for
implementation.
Faith-Based Leadership
There is only one way to truly imbue the State of Israel with the
meaning it deserves and needs: to promote an alternative leadership
for the State of Israel that is based on Jewish belief. Only
leadership motivated by an authentically Jewish vision will be
capable of meeting all the challenges currently facing the State of
Israel and the Jewish People. Only leadership of this kind will be
capable of reinvigorating the State of Israel and the Jewish People
and leading it towards the realization of the vision of the
prophets.
Leadership of the Likud
In 1998, Manhigut Yehudit (The Jewish Leadership Movement) was
established as the successor to Zo Artzeinu. Our aim is to register
thousands of believing members in the Likud - the ruling party of
the National Camp - and to elect a party leader who will be
motivated by Jewish ideals and values. As the Likud's candidate for
Prime Minister, this candidate would be the natural leader of the
national camp and would be elected as the Prime Minister of the
State of Israel.
What began as a dream has become a reality. Already today, Manhigut
Yehudit (The Jewish Leadership Movement) has the largest bloc inside
the Likud's Central Committee. In a very short time we became known
as the group that "does not come with a price tag." Our weapon is
our ideology and tens of thousands of supporters have already joined
our ranks. Many Israelis throughout the political spectrum believe
that we are the future of Israel's political life and the path we
have chosen is correct and viable.
Our Future
With firm faith in the God of Israel, Manhigut Yehudit
(The Jewish Leadership Movement) is confident that our future is
bright. Indeed the totality of our strategic goals could be summed
up in a single phrase from the traditional Aleynu prayer recited
daily:
One State for one People. Thou shalt not be a victim, or perpetrator, but above all, thou shalt not be a bystander. Yasher Koach!
January 18, 2012
January 17, 2012
Is the Moshiachs "clock" ticking? YUP!
Where do we stand as a Nation? The Nation of Israel.
Israel always stands in the same place amongst the Nations...not amongst the Nations.
So, since we trust in no man and only in HaShem, What signs are there, that as a Nation we are moving forward towards helping ot bring or to be ready for the Moshiach?
What signs are there in the world that end times approach? Strictly on a non-Secular basis, many things seem to indicate that the Jewish Nation is well on the way and the only question remains as to whether we will be gathered painlessly or through worm holes....
Just the repeated survival of Israel should be proof enough. The stories of battlefield miracles abound.
The Matzav in Israel now, indicates a great clash of religious and secular values or lack there of.
How we define the Jewish Nation? Who is a Jew? Do we defend Israel with military or are we supposed to be forever passive?
Israel always stands in the same place amongst the Nations...not amongst the Nations.
So, since we trust in no man and only in HaShem, What signs are there, that as a Nation we are moving forward towards helping ot bring or to be ready for the Moshiach?
What signs are there in the world that end times approach? Strictly on a non-Secular basis, many things seem to indicate that the Jewish Nation is well on the way and the only question remains as to whether we will be gathered painlessly or through worm holes....
Just the repeated survival of Israel should be proof enough. The stories of battlefield miracles abound.
The Matzav in Israel now, indicates a great clash of religious and secular values or lack there of.
How we define the Jewish Nation? Who is a Jew? Do we defend Israel with military or are we supposed to be forever passive?
Vote for Feiglin - For Jewish Education
Nothing
can more decisively outline in stark detail the contrast and
contradiction between authentic Judaism and the gentilized Hellenism
that challenges it than the secular university. The very
basis of the university, with its concept of total academic freedom and
open marketplace of ideas (and let us not, for the moment, discuss the
fraud that this is in actuality), runs counter to Judaism with its
absolute truths.
But
even for those liberal and secular Jews who choose the university ideal
over that of Judaism, what is happening at Hebrew University should be
cause for deep soul-searching on the part of any contributor and
supporter of that institution. For I say, with absolute
conviction, that Hebrew University (in common with other institutions of
“higher learning” in Israel), more than any other single source, is the
producer of the greatest danger to Israel’s body and soul . . .
In simple, basic language: the group that now represents the Arab students at Hebrew University, the 1,150 Arab students – all whom are Israeli citizens – who study at the Hebrew University, the 1,150 Israeli Arab students who study there thanks to Israeli taxpayers and, but more important, thanks to the American contributors to Hebrew University is a group that calls for the elimination of Israel and its replacement with “Palestine.” That
this should cause shock waves in Israel is yet one more cause for
weeping and for appreciation of the massive damage done to the Jewish
people and state by the news media of Israel.
. . . And the Jews pay for their destruction. Every
Jew who gives to American Friends of Hebrew University or Haifa
University or Tel Aviv University pays for those Arab intellectuals who
dream of leading the struggle to destroy the Jewish state.
Rabbi Meir Kahane - 1990
January 16, 2012
The Iranian Nuclear Threat to Israel: Options
Israel should not
expect stable coexistence with a nuclear Iran. It must enhance active
defense, improve nuclear deterrence and target selected Iranian
infrastructures. However, Israeli preemption tactics are becoming far
more limited as time passes.
Prof. Louis Rene Beres
Louis Rene Beres (Ph.D., Princeton, 1971) is a professor of Political Science and International Law at Purdue University. He is the author of many books, monographs, and articles dealing with Israeli security matters, nuclear strategy and nuclear war.
On January 16, 2003, the "Project Daniel" Group advised then Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon on the threat of Iranian nuclear weapons.1
This
report, which contained substantial legal and strategic
recommendations, urged the prime minister to suitably enhance Israel’s
deterrence and defense postures; to consider a prompt end to deliberate
nuclear ambiguity (if Iran should be permitted to become nuclear); and
to appropriately refine pertinent preemption options. It also concluded
that Israel should not expect stable coexistence with a nuclear Iran and
that active national defense should be increased and strengthened accordingly.
Israel’s active defense strategy involves mutually reinforcing the Arrow, Iron Dome, and, in the future, Magic Wand systems. To adequately protect against a potential WMD attack from Iran, however, these advanced elements of ballistic missile defense are not enough. They must be optimally complemented by improved Israeli nuclear deterrence and by a capacity for viable conventional first strikes against selected Iranian military and industrial targets. Under no circumstances, advised Project Daniel, should Israel assume that a safe and durable “balance of terror” could ever be created with Tehran.
Generally, in strategic thinking, deterrence logic must be based on an assumption of enemy rationality. This assumption might not always be warranted in the case of Iran. Any purported analogy between Iran and the US deterrence relationship with the former Soviet Union would be facile, or simply misguided.
If Iran's current leadership could somehow meet the core test of rationality, always valuing national survival over other preferences or combination of preferences, there could still remain intolerable security risks to Israel. In part, these risks would be associated with Tehran's expectedly problematic command and control of any future nuclear capabilities. For example, even a determinedly rational Iranian leadership could base critical nuclear decisions upon erroneous information, assorted computer errors, or fragile pre-delegations of launch authority.
The related vulnerability of command and control to violent regime overthrow in Tehran must also be taken into close account by decision makers in Jerusalem. Ironically, there can be no assurances that any new or "improved" regime in Iran would necessarily pose a diminished security threat to Israel.
If Israel's active defense systems were accurately presumed 100 percent effective, even an irrational Iranian adversary armed with nuclear or biological weapons could be kept at bay without defensive first strikes or any threats of retaliation. But no ballistic missile defense system can ever be “leak proof.”
Terrorist proxies in ships or trucks, not missiles, could deliver Iranian nuclear attacks upon Israel. In such low-tech, but distinctly high consequence assaults, there would be no security benefit to Israel from its deployed anti-missile defenses.
Israel can never depend entirely upon its anti-ballistic missiles to defend against future WMD attacks from Iran any more than it can rely entirely on nuclear deterrence. This does not mean that active defense is a less than vital part of Israel's larger security apparatus. It is vital, but it is not sufficient.
Every state has a right under international law to act preemptively when facing potentially existential aggression. The 1996 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice even extends such lawful authority to the preemptive use of nuclear weapons in certain residual or last-resort circumstances. For now, however, any purposeful Israeli resort to "anticipatory self-defense" would surely be non-nuclear.
Nonetheless, it is quite likely that the operational window for any such cost effective conventional tactic has already closed and that Israel would decline any remaining nuclear preemption option, albeit lawful. For now it seems that any Israeli "preemption" would necessarily be far more limited, perhaps involving the targeted killing of selected enemy scientists or military figures and substantially expanded cyber-warfare.
If Iran should be allowed to become nuclear, in plain contravention of its Non-Proliferation Treaty obligations, Israel would immediately need to enhance the credibility of its (presumed) nuclear deterrent. This robust second-strike strategic force, hardened, multiplied, and dispersed, would have to be fashioned, observably, to inflict a decisive retaliatory blow against selected enemy cities. In military terms, this means for Israel a more openly counter value-targeted nuclear force.
Significantly, the dangers of a nuclear Iran could directly impact the US. While it might still be several years before any Iranian missiles could strike American territory, the US could still become as vulnerable as Israel to certain nuclear-armed terrorist surrogates. In this connection, any American plan for a “rogue state” anti-ballistic missile shield, for us, and for our NATO allies, would have precisely the same limited protection benefits as Israel’s already-deployed active defense systems.
As long as Iran proudly announces its literally genocidal intentions toward Israel, while simultaneously and illegally developing nuclear weapons and infrastructures, Jerusalem has no reasonable choice but to protect itself with the best means available.
Under longstanding international law, every government's most basic and incontestable obligation is the assurance of protection to its citizens.
Israel’s active defense strategy involves mutually reinforcing the Arrow, Iron Dome, and, in the future, Magic Wand systems. To adequately protect against a potential WMD attack from Iran, however, these advanced elements of ballistic missile defense are not enough. They must be optimally complemented by improved Israeli nuclear deterrence and by a capacity for viable conventional first strikes against selected Iranian military and industrial targets. Under no circumstances, advised Project Daniel, should Israel assume that a safe and durable “balance of terror” could ever be created with Tehran.
Generally, in strategic thinking, deterrence logic must be based on an assumption of enemy rationality. This assumption might not always be warranted in the case of Iran. Any purported analogy between Iran and the US deterrence relationship with the former Soviet Union would be facile, or simply misguided.
If Iran's current leadership could somehow meet the core test of rationality, always valuing national survival over other preferences or combination of preferences, there could still remain intolerable security risks to Israel. In part, these risks would be associated with Tehran's expectedly problematic command and control of any future nuclear capabilities. For example, even a determinedly rational Iranian leadership could base critical nuclear decisions upon erroneous information, assorted computer errors, or fragile pre-delegations of launch authority.
The related vulnerability of command and control to violent regime overthrow in Tehran must also be taken into close account by decision makers in Jerusalem. Ironically, there can be no assurances that any new or "improved" regime in Iran would necessarily pose a diminished security threat to Israel.
If Israel's active defense systems were accurately presumed 100 percent effective, even an irrational Iranian adversary armed with nuclear or biological weapons could be kept at bay without defensive first strikes or any threats of retaliation. But no ballistic missile defense system can ever be “leak proof.”
Terrorist proxies in ships or trucks, not missiles, could deliver Iranian nuclear attacks upon Israel. In such low-tech, but distinctly high consequence assaults, there would be no security benefit to Israel from its deployed anti-missile defenses.
Israel can never depend entirely upon its anti-ballistic missiles to defend against future WMD attacks from Iran any more than it can rely entirely on nuclear deterrence. This does not mean that active defense is a less than vital part of Israel's larger security apparatus. It is vital, but it is not sufficient.
Every state has a right under international law to act preemptively when facing potentially existential aggression. The 1996 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice even extends such lawful authority to the preemptive use of nuclear weapons in certain residual or last-resort circumstances. For now, however, any purposeful Israeli resort to "anticipatory self-defense" would surely be non-nuclear.
Nonetheless, it is quite likely that the operational window for any such cost effective conventional tactic has already closed and that Israel would decline any remaining nuclear preemption option, albeit lawful. For now it seems that any Israeli "preemption" would necessarily be far more limited, perhaps involving the targeted killing of selected enemy scientists or military figures and substantially expanded cyber-warfare.
If Iran should be allowed to become nuclear, in plain contravention of its Non-Proliferation Treaty obligations, Israel would immediately need to enhance the credibility of its (presumed) nuclear deterrent. This robust second-strike strategic force, hardened, multiplied, and dispersed, would have to be fashioned, observably, to inflict a decisive retaliatory blow against selected enemy cities. In military terms, this means for Israel a more openly counter value-targeted nuclear force.
Significantly, the dangers of a nuclear Iran could directly impact the US. While it might still be several years before any Iranian missiles could strike American territory, the US could still become as vulnerable as Israel to certain nuclear-armed terrorist surrogates. In this connection, any American plan for a “rogue state” anti-ballistic missile shield, for us, and for our NATO allies, would have precisely the same limited protection benefits as Israel’s already-deployed active defense systems.
As long as Iran proudly announces its literally genocidal intentions toward Israel, while simultaneously and illegally developing nuclear weapons and infrastructures, Jerusalem has no reasonable choice but to protect itself with the best means available.
Under longstanding international law, every government's most basic and incontestable obligation is the assurance of protection to its citizens.
January 13, 2012
Evacuation of Mitzpe - Horrible!
"They arrived in the middle of the night. It was brutal. I woke up after
they broke down the door and they were already in the living room."
Evacuation of Mitzpe....Brutal!
When will this end? When will Jews protect and not expel Jews....
Evacuation of Mitzpe....Brutal!
When will this end? When will Jews protect and not expel Jews....
The Birth of Manhigut Yehudit
In 5752 (1992) the Labor party’s Yitzchak Rabin became Prime Minister
of Israel. Rabin’s government subsequently initiated and signed the
Oslo Accords, creating a fracture in Religious Zionism and
threatening the settlements in Yesha both ideologically and
practically. The Yesha Council organized a long series of
demonstrations that attracted tens of thousands of Israelis. But
even at that stage – ten years before the Disengagement - the
settlers found themselves with "patriotic" leadership that was
prepared to do everything…except win.
When the hopelessness of the established struggle became apparent, private groups attempted to create a more effective struggle. One of these groups was Zo Artzeinu. What set Zo Artzeinu apart from the other Right wing organizations was its emphasis on the fact that the State is meant to serve the nation and the land, and not vice versa. In keeping with this perspective, Zo Artzeinu adopted the principles of refusal to obey army orders and non-violent civil disobedience. On the 12th of Av, 5755 (exactly 10 years before the pogrom of Gush Katif) Zo Artzeinu brought 100,000 Israelis out to protest in the streets and intersections, paralyzing traffic throughout Israel. It was the most widespread civic struggle that the State of Israel had ever known. Zo Artzeinu leaders Moshe Feiglin and Shmuel Sackett were convicted of sedition and sentenced to jail terms.
Zo Artzeinu introduced a new perspective on the role of the belief-based public in Israeli society. It evinced a refreshing fighting spirit, leading its public struggle with the actual intention of winning. Secondly, it saw the belief based public as a potential leader on the national level and not just as a group of candidates ready to jump on the bandwagon being driven by others. This perspective was an important contribution to the Religious Zionist camp and paved the way for the establishment of Manhigut Yehudit.
The Goal of Manhigut Yehudit
Likud Chairman Binyamin Netanyahu rode the wave of anti-Oslo protest and was elected Prime Minister of Israel in 1996. Netanyahu's victory, which came after Yitzchak Rabin was assassinated, was a victory against all odds. It could not have happened without the active support of the Oslo opponents. But when the Arabs embarked on the Western Wall Riots, killing sixteen Israeli soldiers, Right wing PM Netanyahu turned his back on the public that had worked so hard to get him elected. Instead of announcing the end of the Oslo Accords, he warmly shook Arafat's hand in both of his. With this act, Netanyahu effectively eliminated the National Camp that had brought him to power.
From that point on, the belief based public was left with only two options: either to continue to ride the Likud bandwagon with the clear knowledge that it will ultimately implement a policy of destruction or to attempt to create alternative leadership for Israel – belief based leadership.
The Zo Artzeinu veterans shouldered responsibility and began the process of creating belief based leadership for the State of Israel. Manhigut Yehudit was born. As opposed to Zo Artzeinu, whose goal was to fight against the destructive process that had already been set in motion, Manhigut Yehudit was established to create a governing alternative based on Jewish faith. Essentially, Manhigut Yehudit continued from where Zo Artzeinu had left off. There is no reason to enter the tunnel of the struggle if there is no light at its end. The opposite is also true. When the true alternative can already be detected on the horizon, the struggle against the destructive process is infused with energy and purpose.
First Activities
Manhigut Yehudit started out in 5755 (1995), clarifying its ideology and searching for leadership tools. The weekly newsletter, Lechatchilah was launched in 5756 (1996). In the following years, Manhigut Yehudit promoted the idea of belief based leadership and suggested ideas for its practical expression. Many attempts to convince well-known public figures to lead the process and to announce their candidacy for the premiership failed. With that option exhausted, Manhigut Yehudit organized a Belief Based Public Census. The idea was to create pressure from the public that would show the potential leaders that they have many voters on whom they can count. Thousands of people did sign up, but the project failed when no known belief based public figure agreed to take responsibility and lead. Manhigut Yehudit also presented its candidate for President of the State of Israel (Professor Branover). In addition, feelers were put out to begin a new political party.
During that entire period, Manhigut Yehudit ceaselessly worked on changing public consciousness. Countless articles, gatherings, books, newsletters, radio interviews, internet and more, acquainted the public with its new idea. Even today, Manhigut Yehudit's greatest success is in the fact that it has created a new public awareness. The idea that initially seemed totally unrealistic became the rallying cry of the entire belief based public. Even those people who vocally oppose Manhigut Yehudit's tactical strategy present themselves today as aspiring to Manhigut's goal of belief based leadership for Israel.
Joining the Likud
In the elections of 1999, the Likud's Binyamin Netanyahu lost the premiership to Ehud Barak of the Labor party. The Likud suffered a serious defeat and was left with only 19 Knesset mandates. Netanyahu resigned and Ariel Sharon "temporarily" took over management of the Likud until the primaries. In 5760 (2000) two Likud founders approached Moshe Feiglin and suggested that he become a member of the Likud while encouraging the public that was at the forefront of previous struggles to join the party as well. The goal: Moshe Feiglin would run for the leadership of the Likud. After consultations, Feiglin adopted the idea. Since then, Manhigut Yehudit has worked within the framework of the Likud. In this framework, Manhigut Yehudit found itself involved in many political battles. From the very beginning, the new and unknown Feiglin insisted on running for leadership of the Likud against Netanyahu and Sharon. Although Feiglin got only 3.5% of the votes, he did succeed in clearly delineating the goal of Manhigut Yehudit. No more demonstrations or attempts to wield political influence over others. Manhigut Yehudit has one goal: Leadership of the country.
Manhigut Yehudit succeeded in putting together a very impressive list of its members, who were elected to the Likud Central Committee. Manhigut's people were appointed to important Likud committees and managed to pass important Likud decisions, such as the Likud referendum on the Disengagement.
Manhigut Yehudit's greatest success in the Likud was in the primaries for leadership of the movement in Kislev, 5766 (December 2006). Seven candidates began the race: Former Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Shaul Mufaz, Education Minister Limor Livnat, Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom, Agricultural Minister Yisrael Katz, Former Internal Security Minister Uzi Landau – and Moshe Feiglin, who had never even been a Knesset member. Feiglin's campaign was widely and intensively covered by the media, bringing the idea of a belief based alternative for leadership of the country to every home in Israel. Most importantly – one third of the votes that Moshe Feiglin received in the primaries came from Likud members who were not associated with Manhigut Yehudit. Feiglin came in third place, behind Netanyahu and Shalom. The other candidates (except Yisrael Katz) quit the race when they saw that the polls were predicting that Feiglin was going to bypass them. Defense Minister Mufaz even used this fact as an excuse to defect from the Likud to Kadimah.
So What Have We Accomplished in the Likud?
A lot. The Likud provided Manhigut Yehudit with a tangible plane on which to promote its goals. Manhigut Yehudit could have remained a strictly ideological movement. It could have become another right wing political party. But then it would not have attained a fraction of the public awareness that it has achieved by choosing to advance in the leadership arena of the National Camp – the Likud.
"If you will it, it is no dream," said Herzl. By joining the Likud, we have succeeded in bringing our will into mainstream public awareness. Jewish leadership is no longer a dream.
When the hopelessness of the established struggle became apparent, private groups attempted to create a more effective struggle. One of these groups was Zo Artzeinu. What set Zo Artzeinu apart from the other Right wing organizations was its emphasis on the fact that the State is meant to serve the nation and the land, and not vice versa. In keeping with this perspective, Zo Artzeinu adopted the principles of refusal to obey army orders and non-violent civil disobedience. On the 12th of Av, 5755 (exactly 10 years before the pogrom of Gush Katif) Zo Artzeinu brought 100,000 Israelis out to protest in the streets and intersections, paralyzing traffic throughout Israel. It was the most widespread civic struggle that the State of Israel had ever known. Zo Artzeinu leaders Moshe Feiglin and Shmuel Sackett were convicted of sedition and sentenced to jail terms.
Zo Artzeinu introduced a new perspective on the role of the belief-based public in Israeli society. It evinced a refreshing fighting spirit, leading its public struggle with the actual intention of winning. Secondly, it saw the belief based public as a potential leader on the national level and not just as a group of candidates ready to jump on the bandwagon being driven by others. This perspective was an important contribution to the Religious Zionist camp and paved the way for the establishment of Manhigut Yehudit.
The Goal of Manhigut Yehudit
Likud Chairman Binyamin Netanyahu rode the wave of anti-Oslo protest and was elected Prime Minister of Israel in 1996. Netanyahu's victory, which came after Yitzchak Rabin was assassinated, was a victory against all odds. It could not have happened without the active support of the Oslo opponents. But when the Arabs embarked on the Western Wall Riots, killing sixteen Israeli soldiers, Right wing PM Netanyahu turned his back on the public that had worked so hard to get him elected. Instead of announcing the end of the Oslo Accords, he warmly shook Arafat's hand in both of his. With this act, Netanyahu effectively eliminated the National Camp that had brought him to power.
From that point on, the belief based public was left with only two options: either to continue to ride the Likud bandwagon with the clear knowledge that it will ultimately implement a policy of destruction or to attempt to create alternative leadership for Israel – belief based leadership.
The Zo Artzeinu veterans shouldered responsibility and began the process of creating belief based leadership for the State of Israel. Manhigut Yehudit was born. As opposed to Zo Artzeinu, whose goal was to fight against the destructive process that had already been set in motion, Manhigut Yehudit was established to create a governing alternative based on Jewish faith. Essentially, Manhigut Yehudit continued from where Zo Artzeinu had left off. There is no reason to enter the tunnel of the struggle if there is no light at its end. The opposite is also true. When the true alternative can already be detected on the horizon, the struggle against the destructive process is infused with energy and purpose.
First Activities
Manhigut Yehudit started out in 5755 (1995), clarifying its ideology and searching for leadership tools. The weekly newsletter, Lechatchilah was launched in 5756 (1996). In the following years, Manhigut Yehudit promoted the idea of belief based leadership and suggested ideas for its practical expression. Many attempts to convince well-known public figures to lead the process and to announce their candidacy for the premiership failed. With that option exhausted, Manhigut Yehudit organized a Belief Based Public Census. The idea was to create pressure from the public that would show the potential leaders that they have many voters on whom they can count. Thousands of people did sign up, but the project failed when no known belief based public figure agreed to take responsibility and lead. Manhigut Yehudit also presented its candidate for President of the State of Israel (Professor Branover). In addition, feelers were put out to begin a new political party.
During that entire period, Manhigut Yehudit ceaselessly worked on changing public consciousness. Countless articles, gatherings, books, newsletters, radio interviews, internet and more, acquainted the public with its new idea. Even today, Manhigut Yehudit's greatest success is in the fact that it has created a new public awareness. The idea that initially seemed totally unrealistic became the rallying cry of the entire belief based public. Even those people who vocally oppose Manhigut Yehudit's tactical strategy present themselves today as aspiring to Manhigut's goal of belief based leadership for Israel.
Joining the Likud
In the elections of 1999, the Likud's Binyamin Netanyahu lost the premiership to Ehud Barak of the Labor party. The Likud suffered a serious defeat and was left with only 19 Knesset mandates. Netanyahu resigned and Ariel Sharon "temporarily" took over management of the Likud until the primaries. In 5760 (2000) two Likud founders approached Moshe Feiglin and suggested that he become a member of the Likud while encouraging the public that was at the forefront of previous struggles to join the party as well. The goal: Moshe Feiglin would run for the leadership of the Likud. After consultations, Feiglin adopted the idea. Since then, Manhigut Yehudit has worked within the framework of the Likud. In this framework, Manhigut Yehudit found itself involved in many political battles. From the very beginning, the new and unknown Feiglin insisted on running for leadership of the Likud against Netanyahu and Sharon. Although Feiglin got only 3.5% of the votes, he did succeed in clearly delineating the goal of Manhigut Yehudit. No more demonstrations or attempts to wield political influence over others. Manhigut Yehudit has one goal: Leadership of the country.
Manhigut Yehudit succeeded in putting together a very impressive list of its members, who were elected to the Likud Central Committee. Manhigut's people were appointed to important Likud committees and managed to pass important Likud decisions, such as the Likud referendum on the Disengagement.
Manhigut Yehudit's greatest success in the Likud was in the primaries for leadership of the movement in Kislev, 5766 (December 2006). Seven candidates began the race: Former Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Shaul Mufaz, Education Minister Limor Livnat, Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom, Agricultural Minister Yisrael Katz, Former Internal Security Minister Uzi Landau – and Moshe Feiglin, who had never even been a Knesset member. Feiglin's campaign was widely and intensively covered by the media, bringing the idea of a belief based alternative for leadership of the country to every home in Israel. Most importantly – one third of the votes that Moshe Feiglin received in the primaries came from Likud members who were not associated with Manhigut Yehudit. Feiglin came in third place, behind Netanyahu and Shalom. The other candidates (except Yisrael Katz) quit the race when they saw that the polls were predicting that Feiglin was going to bypass them. Defense Minister Mufaz even used this fact as an excuse to defect from the Likud to Kadimah.
So What Have We Accomplished in the Likud?
A lot. The Likud provided Manhigut Yehudit with a tangible plane on which to promote its goals. Manhigut Yehudit could have remained a strictly ideological movement. It could have become another right wing political party. But then it would not have attained a fraction of the public awareness that it has achieved by choosing to advance in the leadership arena of the National Camp – the Likud.
"If you will it, it is no dream," said Herzl. By joining the Likud, we have succeeded in bringing our will into mainstream public awareness. Jewish leadership is no longer a dream.
Feiglin: Lapid is a Person Who Says Nothing: An Interview in Ma'ariv
By Amichai Atalli
Ma'ariv/NRG 16 Tevet, 5772/ Jan. 11, '12
Ma'ariv/NRG 16 Tevet, 5772/ Jan. 11, '12
Moshe Feiglin, do you really think you have a chance to beat Netanyahu?
It is clear to me that I will ultimately win; not necessarily in the upcoming elections, but at some point in time, it will happen. I have already run for leadership of the Likud three times. The first time I won 3% of the vote, the second time 13% and the last time, 23%. True, this time the contest is much more difficult, for I am running against a ruling prime minister who has a lot more power. But ultimately, I believe that I will win, within the framework of my larger plan.
The Wright Brothers' first prototype crashed more than one hundred times before it finally took off. In retrospect, each crash was paving the path to the take-off. I don't see a race in which I do not get 51% as a crash. Every time that I run, my ideas filter into Israeli society. Today, there is already a very respectable circle of Likud members who understand my ideas – and that circle is growing and deepening.
And what are your ideas?
The State of Israel must solidify its Jewish – not religious – identity. By the way, I do not define myself as a religious person, but rather, as a Jew. Today, I see the State of Israel as a plane that is always trying to escape – so far successfully – anti-aircraft missiles that are being shot at it.
Netanyahu, the pilot in the cockpit, deserves a medal for this adept maneuvering between all the missiles. But there is just one small problem: the plane must also be flying somewhere. The destination of the plane is marked out on my map, but it is not in Netanyahu's cockpit.
In other words, my goal is to define a destiny and goal from which the State of Israel can draw the content and energies it needs for its existence. The fact that we are happy for every additional day that ends quietly and do not dare to dream of anything more than that is a huge problem. Today, in Cambridge University and others like it, they no longer believe in Israel's right to exist. So while official Israel recognizes the existence of a "Palestinian nation" the world no longer recognizes our existence.
What are your exact positions?
There are a number of central areas that I would like to focus on: Jewish education: Every student in Israel's educational system should be taught Judaism for one hour every day. Not religion or coercion, but enough so that the student should know the Tanach, history and the Jewish prayer book. He will not have to pray, but he should know where he came from.
Another point is family: The State of Israel effectively attacks the family unit. It no longer pays to be a married couple. Many couples divorce so that they can get more tax breaks. An additional point is community: I plan to strengthen the bond between family and community and also to strengthen the existing communities by introducing regional elections. Every American citizen can call his congressman when he needs help. Here, you have to be a member of the Likud Central Committee if you want to get something.
What do you think about the right wing Knesset members' attack on Israel's media?
I am for liberty and for a battle against all types of coercion. There should be free access to broadcasting that represents the entire public. If an Arab wants to broadcast from his town, let him do so. If somebody breaks the law, he can be jailed. But why does the state decide who can broadcast? I am talking about freedom of speech, freedom to broadcast and true freedom of expression.
What about economy?
We need Jewish economy; a free market without core shareholders. The base of the economy should be capitalism, but it must be tempered with faith and kindness. Capitalism that is not in a cultural envelope that modifies and restrains it fosters greed. Faith and kindness provide the restraint that it needs.
These ideas will give us legitimacy in Cambridge?
When you ask British intellectuals why they do not recognize the State of Israel, they say that they had expectations of the People of the Book; they wanted us to bring them a new culture. They say that our state is nothing more than an imitation of what already exists, but that it is always producing wars and conflict with the Arab world. As far as they are concerned, the experiment has failed and it would be best to close up shop. They anticipated a new message that would emerge from Zion, and in the meantime, all they have gotten from us is great disappointment.
What is happening within the Likud?
I sense that Netanyahu feels very pressured. He is not fighting to win, because he assumes that he will. He is fighting very hard, though, for every percentage point of support, for the struggle, as far as he is concerned is for complete hegemony over the Likud. Netanyahu is creating great pressure and spending a lot of money to make the Likud a party ruled by one man. This will save him the trouble of maintaining a dialogue with the party's institutions. I do not know if Netanyahu really thinks that he will easily defeat me, because on the ground, he is investing a lot of effort in this race.
What type of efforts?
There is a feeling of fear in the Likud camp. It starts with the mayors and seeps through the heads of the Likud branches and down to the local activists. I keep hearing stories of people who are threatened that if they do not bring in high percentages of votes for Netanyahu, they will not be receiving the funds that they are slated to get. I do not have these means, but I am happy to say that there is a phenomenon that I have never seen before in the Likud: The Likud members who understand that if they want their party to remain intact, they must not give Netanyahu the hegemony that he wants.
What do you say about Yair Lapid and Noam Shalit entering politics?
Israeli society can be proud that Shelli Yechimovitz was elected to head the Labor party. I think that her worldview is very dangerous, but the fact that she was elected shows that the Israeli public wants leaders who are ideologically motivated; the kind of leaders who believe what they say. On the other hand, the high ratings that Yair Lapid is receiving in the polls are a low point for Israeli society. He is a person who has nothing to say and his popularity expresses society's preference for rating over substance.
And what about Shalit?
Noam Shalit has not given anything to Israeli society. But he has received - a lot! The release of 1,000 terrorists with blood on their hands is something that we have all given Noam Shalit, for we are all liable to pay the price, G-d forbid, for the Shalit deal. Noam Shalit did not give, he only received and his candidacy for the Knesset testifies to counter-values: He who succeeds in receiving more from society is the success story who can bring in votes. This is a disgrace for Shalit and for the Labor party and Shelli Yechimovitz, who took him into their party.
January 12, 2012
Jews Out!
Jews out!
Women in Green's reaction to last night's destruction in Mitzpe
Avihai-Kiryat Arba
At 2:30 in the middle of the night, with 0 degrees celcius outside,
some 20 children were dragged away from their beds together with their
parents and were told: "Jews-OUT!" Immediately thereafter the tractors
ran over and destroyed their homes.
The Mitzpe Avichai neighborhood was built on land that belongs to the
municipality of Kiryat Arba Hevron and was already destroyed ten
times. Every destruction brings about construction, especially in
Mitzpe Avihai, and thank G-d, the neighborhood has already eight
families and public buildings.
Once again the IDF used Arab workers to do the dirty work of expelling
Jews from their homes and, by the way, these Arabs stole jewelry and
work utensils from the expelled Jews.
Women in Green call upon all to donate funds in order to rebuild the
neighborhood. We also call upon the Prime Minister to stop hiding
behind Ehud Barak and finally start building the Land of Israel
proudly. This is the one and only answer to Yair Lapid and Sheli
Yachimovitz.
The government of Israel has to stop the game of jumping once to the
right and once to the left. It does not help at all. Only with a clear
policy of applying Israeli sovereignty over Judea and Samaria, the
building of thousands of homes, and the spreading of the population
from the shore to the mountains, will deterrence be built. Only this
way will our country be built.
To donate, please call Miriam 052-4295557
Yehudit Katsover 050-7161818 Nadia Matar 050-5500834
http://www.womeningreen.org
==============================
===============
Women For Israel's Tomorrow (Women in Green)
POB 7352, Jerusalem 91072, Israel
mailto:wfit2@womeningreen.org
http://www.womeningreen.org
Women in Green's reaction to last night's destruction in Mitzpe
Avihai-Kiryat Arba
At 2:30 in the middle of the night, with 0 degrees celcius outside,
some 20 children were dragged away from their beds together with their
parents and were told: "Jews-OUT!" Immediately thereafter the tractors
ran over and destroyed their homes.
The Mitzpe Avichai neighborhood was built on land that belongs to the
municipality of Kiryat Arba Hevron and was already destroyed ten
times. Every destruction brings about construction, especially in
Mitzpe Avihai, and thank G-d, the neighborhood has already eight
families and public buildings.
Once again the IDF used Arab workers to do the dirty work of expelling
Jews from their homes and, by the way, these Arabs stole jewelry and
work utensils from the expelled Jews.
Women in Green call upon all to donate funds in order to rebuild the
neighborhood. We also call upon the Prime Minister to stop hiding
behind Ehud Barak and finally start building the Land of Israel
proudly. This is the one and only answer to Yair Lapid and Sheli
Yachimovitz.
The government of Israel has to stop the game of jumping once to the
right and once to the left. It does not help at all. Only with a clear
policy of applying Israeli sovereignty over Judea and Samaria, the
building of thousands of homes, and the spreading of the population
from the shore to the mountains, will deterrence be built. Only this
way will our country be built.
To donate, please call Miriam 052-4295557
Yehudit Katsover 050-7161818 Nadia Matar 050-5500834
http://www.womeningreen.org
==============================
Women For Israel's Tomorrow (Women in Green)
POB 7352, Jerusalem 91072, Israel
mailto:wfit2@womeningreen.org
http://www.womeningreen.org
January 10, 2012
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